Rabu, 04 Februari 2015

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Product details

File Size: 509 KB

Print Length: 226 pages

Page Numbers Source ISBN: 0226264211

Publisher: University of Chicago Press; First edition edition (February 15, 2009)

Publication Date: February 15, 2009

Sold by: Amazon Digital Services LLC

Language: English

ASIN: B006JP11HQ

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#44,547 Paid in Kindle Store (See Top 100 Paid in Kindle Store)

Although he never uses the term, Milton Friedman would probably be considered a libertarian with his view of a very limited Federal government. The main responsibilities of the Fed would be establishment and enforcement of laws, resolving property rights and maintaining the monetary system. Mr. Friedman considers himself a defender of `classical' liberalism which is essentially the liberalism of the 17th century that concerned itself with the distribution of power, protection of property rights and freedom of individuals.As the heir apparent to Fredrick A. Hayek, Mr. Friedman takes up the battle against socialism, central planning and the concentration of power. Unlike his predecessor, however, Milton Friedman is extremely specific about the changes he would like to see in the way the U.S. government governs. He would like to see the elimination of rent control, minimum wage, the FCC, Social Security, most business regulations, tariffs on imports, public housing and national parks. Friedman was also an early proponent of school vouchers. In fact he goes so far as to call for the complete `denationalization' (privatization) of public education. The main thrust of Mr. Friedman's argument is that when the government attempts to solve social problems through central planning it invariably causes more problems than it solves, restricts individual freedoms and consolidating power in central planners.There is an almost mystical reverence in this book for market forces and their ability, if left alone, to solve practically any social ill including racism. The problem is that Friedman presupposes that business will be forced to act in a rational and benevolent manner in order to maximize profits and survive in a competitive marketplace. Unfortunately this is often not the case. Businesses in the south were more than willing to forgo money offered by blacks. As a pro-business liberal Mr. Friedman sees regulations that force shops to hire blacks as unfair and damaging to those businesses that "[serve] a neighborhood inhabited by people who have a strong aversion to being waited on by a Negro clerk". However, Mr. Friedman's argument can be turned around as unfair and anti-capitalistic to blacks who offer their services and are denied based on race. This would apply to anyone barred from the marketplace, not just blacks.Milton Friedman is so pro-business that he advocates a complete elimination of corporate taxes. In his mind business owes nothing to society and even says, "there is one and only one social responsibility of business - to use its resources and engage in activities to increase its profits". He then goes even further stating that, "Few trends could so thoroughly undermine the very foundation of our free society as the acceptance by corporate officials of a social responsibility other than to make as much money for their stockholders as possible". Not only does Friedman encourage unbridled greed he makes it the number one corporate responsibility in order to protect "free society". Once a person accepts that the relentless pursuit of self interest is the best thing a person can do for society he or she can justify just about anything.One part of the book that seems particularly dated is Friedman's claim that Capitalism reduces wealth disparity. In fact he holds up the United States as a model for wealth equality. If only this were true. He completely ignores the real and growing threat to freedom brought on by the concentration of wealth because he doesn't see it as a problem. The average voting age citizen is welcome to vote for whichever party they choose at which point the parties in power will adjust policy to the needs of wealthy donors. The Bush administration has turned this it into an art form. Friedman also expresses concern that, "a large fraction of the public scrimps in their productive years to provide themselves with a higher standard of living in old age than they ever enjoyed in the prime of life". Mr. Friedman should be pleased to know that 40+ years after the books publication a large percentage of American's have more debt than assets.

This early work of Friedman (and famously his wife, Rose) is a seminal book and tutorial about the uniqueness of capitalism, and how that contrast with competing economic models. I think Friedman's writing lacks the punch and humor of his later, more mature work. But for anyone seeking a quick and tidy insight, and a general understanding of why freedom contributes to, rather than detracts from, liberty, this is the place to start. In an era when, wealth redistribution, tax the rich rhetoric, supply side hyperbole, and embraced deficits, are in vogue, Freidman tosses the baby out with the bath water, in arguing that the only responsibility of a person in a capitalist society is to earn as much as his thoughts and energies will allow. And in so doing improve the lot of all. He also argues rather brilliantly, that underclasses who come to embrace entitlements instead of opportunity are selling them selves and society short, as settling for a handout is nothing compared to the rewards and example, of rising on one's merit. Finally he demonstrates how collectivist society's come to be riddled with inefficiency, plagued by corruption and leveraged towards elite's at the expense of individuality, and the right to live as one see's fit.

A surprisingly in-depth look (for such a short book) at various market factors that capitalism affects and is affected by. I didn't expect to find any justifications for ANY government intervention in the market, but Friedman spells out many situations that he feels it would be justified, how it would affect the situation and what the alternatives would be. On the whole, this is an expertly written treatise on free market economics, or as free as rationally viable (given the political climate of the time).

This is an old text, written in the 60’s, and a lot has since changed and therefore some is out of date. Regardless, there are many good points. i.e. corporate tax reduction, part of the suggested licensing changes, some on market intervention. But holistically this book espouses laissez faire economics and close to a 100% and unregulated free market. It certainly makes you think, but accepting it holistically would be catastrophic and ridiculous. Reading it today provides a great economic history lesson, tremendous food for thought and many good ideas, some of which should be implemented.. This is highly recommended reading!

A rational and well thought out view on the value of free markets and voluntary exchange for modern economies. With today's shift toward bigger government and ever further redistribution, Friedman's ideas are more important than ever. Economic decisions made by a society of individuals is what allowed the US become an economic powerhouse, not a government induced separation of work and reward. Bernie Sanders would NOT approve this message.

A man who knew all the arguments for real capitalism. Kind, persuasive approach attracts interested listeners, deep understanding of benefits of real free markets. Highly recommended for millennials who lean toward socialist theory, wrongly assuming that socialism means "sharing".

Nearly two decades before Free to Choose hit the air (and bookstores), Milton Friedman laid out his "classical liberal" ideology in practical terms, addressing concrete policy issues. Obviously some of the topics addressed are no longer relevant today - the gold standard was dropped nine years after the book's publication - but Capitalism and Freedom remains a standard for libertarian political philosophy. Policy suggestions - even dated ones - serve to illuminate and clarify Friedman's ideology, one which equated economic and political freedom; without the former, the latter is an illusion.

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